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Iran, Sexuality, and Human Rights
Mahmoud Asgari, 16, and Ayaz Marhoni, 18, were two teenagers from the province of Khuzestan, charged with rape and sodomy in a nation where both concepts are frequently conflated by a specious justice system. They were hanged in a public execution in the city of Mashhad on July 19, 2005. Mahmoud and Ayaz were executed for same-sex practices (and deprived of their basic right to exist) as a result of a zealous government that is based not on the principles of reason but rather the tyranny of religion: Iran is a nation that has criminalized such acts since 1979, a violation of which is punishable by torture and death, according to Islamic law.
Mahmoud and Ayaz’s case is simply one of many that occur regularly in Iran (and it happened only a month before Ahmadinejad was elected president). Other such violations are broadly distributed and experienced by all sectors of Iranian society, except for the elites. For instance, the status of women in Iran continues to appalling. Such repression is to be expected from a nation in which every resource is mobilized to suppress dissent, smash same-sex practices, and oppress women.
I begin with Mahmoud and Ayaz because it is their story that compellingly illustrates the human rights violations that are regularly perpetrated by Iran. Because we inherited the knowledge of their persecution, we must do honor to their deaths by working towards a diplomatic yet unwavering solution so that others may enjoy a happier outcome.
Many have invoked rhetoric centered on human rights and freedom. Unfortunately, these values have been co-opted by some of the more extreme conservative and reactionary factions within our campus, who use such language to propel their own agendas. Such discussion undeniably comes from a place of privilege, a discourse that is bound up with the advantages of education and status—it is impossible to speak about the lack of something with which all of us have long been accustomed. To be sure, this level of engagement is neither brave nor courageous, for it is expected of our role as student leaders to endeavor to speak truth to power. However, for those factions that seek to cloak themselves in the language of liberty and human rights while pushing an agenda that will deprive many of such benefits requires as much audacity as one that would deny the occurrence of genocide. Indeed, the appropriation of the experiences of the oppressed in Iran in order to agitate for military escalation is a malicious disservice to those who have suffered under the regime. While it is expedient and useful in moments of supposed crisis to unite and come to consensus on common principles (because historically, no group on this campus operates a monopoly on civil discourse and respectful dialogue), progressives must acknowledge that we stand for the core values of liberalism and freedom—values that broadly and robustly defined, would likely earn the vitriol of both Ahmadinejad and factions on this campus, who separately but mutually advocate torture, military escalation, and the suppression of dissent and sexual practices under the banner of moral and religious zealotry.
I am profoundly disturbed by the notion that Ahmadinejad can visit our campus to enjoy the benefits and comfort of liberal society, knowing the entire time that a controversial speaker in his nation would surely be publicly hanged. Giving Ahmadinejad a soapbox from which to air his provocative rhetoric offends many of us, but the grievous denial of freedom and safety to Iranian citizens who engage in same-sex practices are just as offensive. I am immensely privileged to be able to love others and protest freely, while others in Iran have no such blessings to lose. I stand in solidarity with them in the hope that one day they can have the option to practice these desires openly and without fear for their lives.
Although our identities, values, and cultures are decidedly different from our peers in Iran, I am convinced our stakes in this struggle are one and the same.
The author is a student in the School of General Studies and a board member of Columbia Queer Alliance.

















Good to see an article address sexuality and human rights. However, the author fails to use more concrete examples of how "more extreme conservative and reactionary factions [at Columbia], who use such language to propel their own agendas." Instead, the author assumes all students are familiar with the Columbia-specific appropriation of language. Similarly, had the author mentioned how Iran is not the only state that allows persecution based on sexual identity to go unpunished and unquestioned, the argument would have been more compelling by drawing a link (albeit one that cannot be fully explored in one newspaper article) between the advances the queer community has made in various countries (same-sex marriage, legal protection from discrimination, etc.) and the slow process of replicating such actions within the international law.
Its clear to anyone reading the newspaper or turning on the idiot box the exact message the media is trying to articulate with regards to the voices of dissent against the views that Ahmadinejad expressed (and even the form by which they were expressed). Clearly the main voices still do not involve calls for the West to forcibly liberate the "homosexuals" of Iran (or, at the very least, grant them political asylum en masse).
I am writing with the assumption that my main audience is the Columbia academic community, but at the same time I am conscious of how my words can be interpreted in a general matter. That being said, Iran does not persecute based on sexual identity because sexual identity does not exist there. They persecute based on perceived violations of their religious-based laws. They do not have a history of gay liberation or gay identity--I am optimistic that a movement of this kind might emerge in the future, but I simply cannot argue that they persecute the "queer community". On the other hand, I can argue that they conflate rape and sodomy laws, and I can state that to execute anyone for a sexual act (illegal, legal or otherwise) is simply beyond the current standards of civil rights.
Likewise, I cannot compare queer communities in other countries, because there is no queer community to compare them to in Iran. In any case, if there was, hypothetically, a queer community in Iran, it would probably consist of middle to upper class elites with exposure to Western media and discourse. To compare the advances of that particular community, in a society where there is strict division of labor and duties between men and women, to a Western society's queer community, with its supposed ideals of liberalism and freedom is presumptous and reductive. That model of comparison assumes that all subjects are commensurable and subject to a particular model of political and social progression.
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