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Strong Leaders, Dictators, and Columbia
Along with the usual array of accomplished presidents and prime ministers, this year, Columbia's World Leaders Forum is hosting Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed, the chief adviser of the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh. Ever since his pseudomilitary regime took office in Dhaka, rampant human rights violations have become the state's hallmark. Before questioning his place at the Forum, it is worth taking a look at recent events in Bangladesh.
The unusual electoral process of Bangladesh requires an outgoing government to hand over power to a nonpartisan administration for three months to prepare for polls. This process failed when the last elected government installed a bunch of puppets to hold a farcical election. As a result, massive protests led to the military stepping in and establishing a government comprised of retired bureaucrats and ex-military officers. They promised to clean up the corrupt political system and hold elections, but the prospect of change evaporated as the government started handpicking whom to prosecute for corruption, and toward whom to turn a blind eye. The latter group was comprised almost exclusively of members and leaders of the powerful fundamentalist political elements who had little electoral chance, yet whose leaders roam in Bangladeshi politics using piles of money procured from global fundamentalist networks. Under the state of emergency rules, the regime suspended fundamental rights and prohibited the media from publishing critical stories, and military officers briefed news editors. Military camps were set up in every major university and the army started ordering around university administrations.
At the end of August, the military personnel severely beat a number of students and a faculty member at the University of Dhaka, the largest university of Bangladesh. As a result, student protests spread across campuses throughout the country. They were joined by disgruntled common people who were fed up with a 40 percent increase in the price of essentials and closure of numerous industrial factories. Though the government grudgingly withdrew the army camp from the university gymnasium, thousands of police continued to batter students. On the third day of violence, the protesters set an army vehicle on fire. A curfew was immediately declared, and college dormitories were vacated. Thousands of soldiers conducted door-to-door searches and picked up students. Deans of three schools of the University of Dhaka were arrested, along with eight other senior faculty members. All of them were tortured indiscriminately.
The military responded to the publication of a photo in many Bangladeshi papers, of a student kicking a solider, by arresting and severely beating over 250 journalists. International publications are still censored in the country. For example, two critical articles from The Economist (one from the Aug. 23, 2007 issue and one from Sept. 6, 2007) were ripped off before the magazine's distribution in Bangladesh. This caused Sophie Richardson, Asia advocacy director at Human Rights Watch, the largest human rights organization in the U.S., to say, "Ripping out pages from an international magazine is the hallmark of a dictatorship, not a caretaker government committed to reform and the rule of law."
All this paints a pretty grim picture of Dr. Ahmed's despotic rule, so why did Columbia to invite him to speak?
This is not the first time something like this has happened. Last year, Pakistan's military ruler President Musharraf honored the World Leaders Forum with his presence. Today, Iran's president Mahmoud Ahmedinejad spoke.
University Professor Jagdish Bhagwati, the University's most distinguished expert on South Asian economics and a member of the University Senate, was not consulted on the issue of the invitation to Dr. Ahmed, although he has stated that he thinks that it is better to invite disagreeable people and to subject them to debate. This lack of consultation implies that it was not Dr. Ahmed's profile as an economist that earned him the invitation.
Maybe my research-lab postdoctorate had a closer guess. She suggested that perhaps lobbyists got paid by the Bangladeshi government to convince the University to ask him to speak. We will never know for sure, but what we do know is that attending a major forum at one of the world's leading institutions of scholarship will help the despotic ruler to wash off some of the stigma he earned from the most recent brutal repression of Bangladesh's academia and press.
Dr. Fakhruddin Ahmed should not have been invited by Columbia to the World Leaders Forum, since he simply does not deserve it. This conference is for distinguished foreign leaders. Ahmed is neither a legitimate leader of his people—even under the state of emergency, the government's tenure formally expired after the first four months—nor does his making academia and the press the primary victims of repression give him any extra credit. I hope that the Columbia administration will regain its senses and give the issue some serious thought.
The author is a Columbia College senior majoring in astrophysics.

















I do not agree with the writer's biased assertion against the Caretaker Government of Bangladesh. First of all, Mr. Fakhruddin did not assume power like other dictators and he is not even from the military. The use of buzzwords like "Islamic Fundamentalist” was a cheap attention-seeking ploy to malign an individual and current Bangladeshi government. The writer gave the impression as if all rights existed while we had so-called democratic parties in powers.
There are mistakes made by the current Bangladesh government but at least they are sincere and honest in building up the institutions. I have not seen any ambitions from any advisors who want to retain power or manufacture an election like typical military despots. If they are playing the same game then why are they strengthening the election commission with more powers and separate the judiciary from the executive branch? Look at all the big wigs held in jail for corruption and is being tried under the due process of law rather than spending years at an island somewhere without any recourse.
I strongly disagree with this “Fox news” type yellow journalism, which does not give a fair presentation of the facts on the ground.
MKarim
As a 197O's alumnus of the College and Law School, I have often been proud of Columbia. I certainly have never felt embarrassed by or for the university, at least not before President Bollinger's performance at the Ahmadinejad forum.
The university president's substantive views of the Iranian president are shared by many, including the undersigned. Presumably President Bollinger felt that offering a forum for hard questioning and listening to Ahmadinejad nonetheless served a purpose. But what transpired was a verbal ambush. If it was calculated, it violated our notions of fair play. If it was a defensive, improvised response to the intense heat generated by the invitation, that heat was totally predictable. As an officer whose responsibility is to the university, President Bollinger should have known better than to dip Columbia's too-vulnerable toe into the political cauldron.
The right of free speech implies the obigation to exercise it responsibly, especially by those who assume the mantles of teacher and role model. Columbia has been diminished a bit, the embattled cause of free speech has been set back a bit more, a despicable character has been made sympathetic in some international quarters, and the university has shown itself to be out of its league when entering into international politics The negative impact will be lasting, and not just for Columbia.
Richard L. Mattiaccio
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