By the time New York Police Department police officer Benjamin Gottlieb joined the 26th Precinct, which serves Morningside Heights and surrounding areas, the list of civilian complaints lodged against him was extensive.

While allegations were raised against him starting in 1999 and eventually investigated by the Civilian Complaint Review Board—an independent oversight agency tasked with investigating complaints of NYPD misconduct—he did not receive a formal charge until February 2005 for stopping and questioning a 36-year-old Black woman while he was a police officer in a different precinct. Less than two years later, when he was promoted to serve as a sergeant, he received his next complaint that led the CCRB to call for disciplinary action to be taken.

By the time he joined the 26th precinct as a sergeant, he had received another complaint in 2011, this time lodged by a 48-year-old Black man for discourtesy of word. Between his 2005 and 2011 charges, Gottlieb’s base salary rose by almost $36,000 and he had been promoted to a lieutenant.

Lt. Ben Gottlieb gross payroll

Units served in 30th Precinct, 26th Precinct, 52nd Precinct, GANG M, 46th Precinct

11 total complaints, 16 total allegations, 5 substantiated allegations

2005

+ 300%

2 substantiated abuse

of authority complaints

$120k

2007

substantiated

force complaint;

promoted

to sergeant

$100k

$80k

2011

substantiated

discourtesy

of word

complaint

$60k

2014

promoted

to lieutenant

$40k

2017

substantiated abuse

of authority complaint

FY 2000

2002

2006

2008

2004

2012

2014

2010

2016

2018

Note: Gottlieb originally became a police officer in 1998, but CAPstat does not report his payroll

until Fiscal Year 2000.

Lt. Ben Gottlieb gross payroll

Units served in 30th Precinct, 26th Precinct,

52nd Precinct, GANG M, 46th Precinct

11 total complaints, 16 total allegations,

5 substantiated allegations

2005

2 substantiated abuse

of authority complaints

+ 300%

$120k

2007

$100k

substantiated

force complaint;

promoted

to sergeant

$80k

2011

substantiated

discourtesy

of word

complaint

$60k

2014

promoted

to lieutenant

$40k

2017

substantiated abuse

of authority complaint

’06

’08

’10

’14

’16

’18

FY 2000

’02

’04

’12

Note: Gottlieb originally became a police

officer in 1998, but CAPstat does not report

his payroll until Fiscal Year 2000.

And yet, this was not the last line item on his list. Gottlieb received another complaint in 2017 that called for disciplinary action to be taken. By this point, his base salary had doubled his base pay from 2005.

In the incidents where the CCRB determined that he should be disciplined or charged, all complainants were lodged by Black or Hispanic individuals.

Gottlieb did not respond to requests to comment.

Despite the five substantiated cases—meaning that the CCRB had evidence to support the complaint—of abused power and alleged misconduct in the last 20 years, Gottlieb is still an active member of the NYPD.

While just one example, Gottlieb is one of six active police officers who have served in the 26th precinct in the last twenty years with civilian complaints deemed serious and substantial enough for the CCRB to recommend charges to be made.

These 13 officers comprise 22 complaints deemed substantiated by an extensive investigation process through the CCRB to warrant disciplinary training or charges. Disciplinary action is less severe of a punishment.

Not only do these officers continue to work as NYPD officers, but six went on to higher positions.

In analyzing the complaints lodged against active NYPD officers who both formerly and currently serve in the 26th precinct, Spectator found that of the most serious offenses with substantial evidence in which officers were recommended to be charged for misconduct, all but one instance targeted a Black man. Additionally, of the 13 officers that the CCRB recommended discipline to in some form, over half of them were subsequently promoted to higher ranked positions, according to public data of all NYC employees.

Even among those who were not promoted, three officers saw their salaries drastically increase either through working overtime hours or pay raises. In one instance, an officer received a nearly $20,000 pay raise the year after receiving two charges of misconduct.

PO Freddy Tavares gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

1 total complaint, 4 total allegations, 2 substantiated allegations

$100k

+ 714%

$80k

2007

+ $18,000

career as police

officer begins

$60k

$40k

2012

2 substantiated

abuse of authority

complaints

$20k

2012

2018

FY 2008

2010

2014

2016

PO Freddy Tavares gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

1 total complaint, 4 total allegations,

2 substantiated allegations

$100k

+ 714%

$80k

2007

+ $18,000

career as police

officer begins

$60k

$40k

2012

2 substantiated

abuse of authority

complaints

$20k

’12

’18

FY 2008

’10

’14

’16

In the 26th precinct, Black civilian complainants comprise 64 percent of the complainant pool. As national movements calling out police brutality and “defund[ing] the police” continue across the country, experts said that these findings are not surprising and are indicative of a great problem regarding police accountability.

A NYPD spokesperson said in an email statement that the agency has been working for years to improve the internal disciplinary system.

“[The NYPD] has increased penalties and required counseling for officers involved in DWI incidents and domestic violence incidents and requires mandatory dismissal for repeat offenders,” the spokesperson wrote.

However, barriers to accountability for the NYPD start long before an officer is charged with misconduct. The CCRB, or the only independent board that investigates complaints filed against the NYPD, does not review complaints of biased policing. Biased policing complaints go straight to the police department itself. Out of over 3,000 complaints of biased policing across five years, the NYPD substantiated none, according to a 2019 report by the New York City Department of Education.

Further, most incidents of police brutality go unchecked because historic mistrust between the community and police officers prevents complaints from being filed in the first place. While complaints can be submitted without interfacing with an officer, residents still fear retaliation, noted Rob Wright, the program director at the Center for Justice at Columbia University.

“We don't feel the same protection of the law. If a person of color raises their voice or expresses their perspective, that’s seen as aggression,” Wright said. “Who’s going to protect you from retaliation? The police won’t.”

These sentiments have lingered in West Harlem from decades of over policing, according to local residents and activists. In 2014, after hundreds of police officers stormed the Grant and Manhattanville housing projects, community members called for de-escalation, citing the lasting impact of police raids on younger kids who witnessed violent arrests.

Anti-violence activist and community member Derrick Haynes pointed to.

“I think the police department and [District Attorney's] office realized that the whole raids were a mistake,” Haynes said. “The community was not only overpoliced, but also we didn’t have the networks in place to provide basic services.”

Haynes said over policing of Black and brown residents and police accountability remains a major concern for the community.

On top of poor relationships, Wright added that this lack of belief in the system prevents people from submitting a complaint.

“Nothing’s going to happen to it. If it was an esteemed professor from Columbia maybe they’d do something, but they look at us and think we’re felons,” Wright said.

Further, Wright said that most people are unaware of the system and process, which makes it difficult to bring police brutality to justice. The NYPD has not released specific details about their internal investigations into biased policing complaints beside the 2019 report, and has further attempted to block the CCRB from making their complaint data public.

“Police have been a tool of oppression since they let us out of jails, and they will protect themselves first,” Wright said.

Slipping through the cracks: The efficacy of the CCRB and complaints

In 1966, when the city considered adding civilians to the review board amid concerns over police brutality, discussions took place in Columbia’s Furnald Hall. The addition of civilians to the review board was intended to allow community members to hold police officers accountable for their actions.

Former New York State Assemblyman William Green asserted that a CCRB “would not constitute a substantial danger to the efficient operation of the police force.” In response, lawyer Harold Forner argued that it could have an "insidious influence on police commissioners."

Yet these recent findings from the 26th Precinct cast doubt on the CCRB’s ability to hold the police accountable since the NYPD has the authority to reject the disciplinary actions recommended by the CCRB, CCRB spokesperson Colleen Roache said.

“The Police Commissioner has sole authority to agree or disagree with the plea or findings and recommendations of the tribunal, and to impose, modify, or decline to impose discipline recommended against an officer,” CCRB press secretary Ethan Teicher said.

So as almost 40 percent of complaints filed against NYPD officers in the 26th precinct are substantiated, meaning there exists evidence of the misconduct, this does not necessarily mean that any disciplinary action will be taken.

In 2019, the NYPD Police Commissioner imposed discipline recommended by the CCRB 52 percent of the time during the first half of 2019, according to a CCRB bi-annual report. For cases where the CCRB recommended discipline, no discipline was imposed 14 percent of the time, which increased from 10 percent during the first half of 2018. And in cases involving charges, the penalty imposed was lower than what was requested of the CCRB 21 percent of the time in 2019.

Further, while the CCRB can recommend disciplinary action, they list it under one of five categories ranging from minor to severe disciplinary status: instruction, formalized training, discipline A, discipline B or charges. The most severe—charges—clearly call for a prosecutorial process, whereas other disciplinary recommendations lack clear definitions and overlap with each other. Despite being more severe in punitive nature, Discipline B can still result in instruction or other minor disciplinary measures.

CCRB officer misconduct complaint process

Civilian files a complaint to the CCRB

or city council member

Complaint goes to

CCRB intake team

within jurisdiction

outside of jurisdiction

Incident is assigned to investigator

Referred outside of CCRB

Investigation begins

Evidence

is gathered

Witness

statements

Police officer

interviews

In-person

statement

Closing report

CCRB calls for disposition

Unfounded,

Exonerated,

Unsubstantiated,

Other findings,

Truncated investigations

Substantiated

CCRB decides disciplinary action

more severe

No discipline necessary

less severe

Charges and

specifications

Instruction,

formalized training,

Command disciplines

Officer discipline is

at NYPD discretion

Independent administrative

prosecution unit formed

Judge decides final

verdict and charge

Disciplinary action is only

suggested and is non-enforcable.

Only the NYPD can punish officers.

Officer discipline is

at NYPD discretion

Source: NYC Civilian Complaint Review Board Investigations and Prosectution page

CCRB officer misconduct

complaint process

Civilian files a complaint to the CCRB

or city council member

Complaint goes to

CCRB intake team

outside of jurisdiction

within jurisdiction

Incident is

assigned

to investigator

Referred outside

of CCRB

Investigation begins

Witness

statements

Evidence

is gathered

Police officer

interviews

In-person

statement

Closing report

CCRB calls for disposition

Unfounded,

Exonerated,

Unsubstantiated,

Other findings,

Truncated investigations

No discipline necessary

Substantiated

CCRB decides

disciplinary action

less severe

more severe

Instruction,

formalized training,

Command disciplines

Officer discipline is

at NYPD discretion

Charges and

specifications

Independent

administrative

prosecution unit

formed

Judge decides final

verdict and charge

Officer discipline is

at NYPD discretion

CCRB disciplinary action is only

suggested and is non-enforcable.

 

Only the NYPD can punish officers.

Source: NYC Civilian Complaint Review Board

Investigations and Prosectution page

Of the CCRB reviewed cases about 36 percent of cases are exonerated, meaning that the alleged conduct did not violate the NYPD’s guidelines. However, examples of exonerated conduct include the threat of arrest, physical force, and even a gun pointed at the complainant.

Moreover, the CCRB can only review complaints that involve force, abuse of authority, discourtesy and offensive language. Anything outside of their jurisdiction is handled internally by the NYPD or another appropriate entity.

The common justification for keeping police officers on the force is the lack of precedent for disciplinary action, Zack said. If a police chief fires one employee but not another for the same charge, the fired employee may have grounds to protest their release from duty.

Zack added that the more common practice for police forces is the use of progressive discipline, where an officer is disciplined more if it is a repeated offense.

For the community, the findings maintained Harlem residents’ long standing belief that the police were not held accountable for their actions.

“This review system needs to be reviewed,” Haynes said. “The problem has persisted for years. We knew cops would be breaking their own rules, their own laws, and training. Something needs to be done.”

Pay raises and promotions

Gottlieb was not the only 26th precinct officer who was subsequently promoted after having disciplinary charges recommended to be raised against them. Six other former 26th precinct officers moved up from police officers to either detectives, lieutenants, or deputy inspector positions.

Of those not promoted, three officers who the CCRB recommended have disciplinary action or charges taken against them also saw pay raises or worked more overtime. Even in the best case scenario for a complaint being investigated—where it was substantiated—these officers were still allowed to personally and professionally advance through the ranks of the NYPD.

In 2006 the CCRB recommended charges be made against the then 26th precinct officer Michael Scoloveno for the vehicle search of a 31-year-old white woman. In the following five years, he had an additional 19 complaints lodged against him, only one of which resulted in the CCRB recommending disciplinary action. Scoloveno now serves as a detective on the Gang Squad Brooklyn North.

Scoloveno’s base salary has increased by over $60,000 since 2005.

Det. Michael Scoloveno gross payroll

Units served in Gang Squad Brooklyn North, 26th Precinct

10 total complaints, 20 total allegations, 2 substantiated allegations

$110k

+ 198%

$100k

2003

career as police

officer begins

$90k

$80k

2006

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint

$70k

$60k

2011

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint;

promoted to

detective

$50k

$40k

2018

2012

2014

2016

FY 2004

2010

2006

2008

Det. Michael Scoloveno gross payroll

Units served in Gang Squad Brooklyn North, 26th Precinct

10 total complaints, 20 total allegations,

2 substantiated allegations

$110k

+ 198%

$100k

2003

career as police

officer begins

$90k

$80k

2006

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint

$70k

$60k

2011

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint;

promoted to

detective

$50k

$40k

’18

’12

’14

’16

FY 2004

’10

’06

’08

Additionally, the former 26th precinct police officer Ronnie Morales received four recommended charges for stop-and-frisk, search of a person, and refusing to provide his name or shield number to a 33-year-old Black man in 2009. Despite the four charges, he went on to become a detective on the Brooklyn Robbery Squad.

Morales’ base salary has increased by over $52,000 since 2009.

Det. Ronnie Morales gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

2 total complaints, 5 total allegations, 4 substantiated allegations

$100k

+715%

2007

career as police

officer begins

$80k

2009

4 substantiated

abuse of authority

complaints

$60k

$40k

2016

promoted to

detective third grade

$20k

FY 2008

2010

2012

2014

2016

2018

Det. Ronnie Morales gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

2 total complaints, 5 total allegations,

4 substantiated allegations

$100k

+715%

2007

career as police

officer begins

$80k

2009

4 substantiated

abuse of authority

complaints

$60k

$40k

2016

promoted to

detective third grade

$20k

FY 2008

’10

’12

’16

’18

’14

The CCRB also recommended charges be taken against officer Robert Cattani for refusing to show his shield number to a 33-year-old Black man in 2009. Despite the complaint, his base salary rose by $6,814 in 2010. He now makes over $67,000 more and works nearly twice as many hours in overtime, totaling 379 hours in 2018.

Lt. Robert Cattani gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

1 total complaint, 1 total allegation, 1 substantiated allegation

$110k

+290%

2008

career as police

officer begins

$100k

$90k

2009

$80k

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint

$70k

$60k

2014

promoted to

detective

third grade

$50k

2015

$40k

promoted to

sergeant

$30k

FY 2008

2010

2012

2014

2016

2018

Lt. Robert Cattani gross payroll

Units served in 26th Precinct

1 total complaint, 1 total allegation,

1 substantiated allegation

$110k

2008

+290%

career as police

officer begins

$100k

$90k

$80k

2009

substantiated

abuse of authority

complaint

$70k

$60k

2014

$50k

promoted to

detective

third grade

$40k

2015

promoted to

sergeant

$30k

FY 2008

’10

’12

’16

’18

’14

The NYPD did not comment on the promotion or pay raises for the officers with disciplinary actions or charges raised against them following CCRB investigations.

According to Arnold Zack, a Harvard Law School senior research association and longtime labor arbitrator, police overtime assignments are typically assigned systematically, and the act of denying overtime shifts to an officer could lead to more internal conflict or employees feeling that they are being targeted.

Furthermore, Zack said the internal complaint and review system favors keeping officers and trying to correct their behavior instead of firing them.

“The whole idea is to rehabilitate them as police departments have put in the time and money to train their officers,” Zack said.

Haynes said the pay raises and overtime work sent the wrong message to police officers and the values of the police department.

“It’s almost like rewarding the bad cops,” he said. “They’re rewarding that officer with more pay and additional hours, which may make them more prone to misconduct or aggression.”

News Editor Stephanie Lai can be contacted at stephanie.lai@columbiaspectator.com. Follow her on Twitter @stephaniealai.

Graphics Editor Raeedah Wahid can be contacted at raeedah.wahid@columbiaspectator.com. Follow her on Twitter @raeedahwahid.

During the 2009 swine flu pandemic, Columbia placed and received an order of 1,200 H1N1 vaccines before December 10 to distribute to students on campus. Initial vaccine shipments began in early October to medical facilities and uniformed personnel, but Barnard began administering vaccines as early as November 16. These colleges, particularly Columbia, had ample supply before the middle of December—when local pharmacies and residential facilities received their vaccines.

Source: Columbia Spectator Archive

Source: Columbia Spectator Archive

Source: Columbia Spectator Archive

Additionally, several schools around Columbia were forced to close due to the swine flu pandemic, but the University continued schooling operations as normal throughout the pandemic season. Columbia’s Pandemic Preparedness Working Group ensured that the campus was routinely disinfected and safe for students in order to prevent transmission of the virus. Most of Columbia’s neighbors had no such privileges.

Eleven years later, the worldwide hunt for a COVID-19 vaccine continues with a goal to mass-produce one by 2021. COVID-19 vaccines are already in phase testing, with one vaccine from the Chinese company CanSino Biologics Inc. approved for limited release; clinical trials are underway for 26 vaccines. According to experts, the timeframes of approval are uncertain.

Experts say that when a vaccine is approved, its high demand and expected short supply upon release will raise questions of accessibility—an issue that low-income communities faced during the swine flu pandemic.

Manufacturers may actively seek out affluent communities for trial runs of new vaccines, placing lower-income groups at a disadvantage, according to Merlin Chowkwanyun, a professor at the Mailman School of Public Health.

“The normal situation is that if you have a lot of money and if you have excellent healthcare, you usually get [a vaccine] first,” Chowkwanyun said.

Low-income residents in Manhattanville and Hamilton Heights have significantly less access to healthcare facilities with proper insurance coverage compared to their counterparts in Morningside Heights. Furthermore, the income disparity between these two areas is almost 50 percent.

2016 median incomes across New York City neighborhoods

$0

$20,000

$40,000

$60,000

$80,000

$100,000

$81,890

Morningside Heights

The average median income

of West Harlem is $42,563,

almost 50 percent that of

Morningside Heights

Hamilton Heights

Manhattanville

Source: New York City Planning Community District Profiles

2016 median incomes across New York City neighborhoods

$0

$20,000

$40,000

$60,000

$80,000

$100,000

$81,890

Morningside Heights

The average median income

of West Harlem is $42,563,

almost 50 percent that of

Morningside Heights

Hamilton Heights

Manhattanville

Source: New York City Planning Community District Profiles

2016 median incomes across

New York City neighborhoods

$81,890

Morningside Heights

$80,000

$60,000

The average median

income of West Harlem

is $42,563, almost 50

percent that of

Morningside Heights

Hamilton Heights

$40,000

Manhattanville

$20,000

$0

Source: New York City Planning Community District Profiles

Influenza vaccines in Manhattan typically cost upward of $25. Some drug stores, including CVS, Rite Aid, and Walgreens charge up to $40.

Disadvantaged communities—who also face higher risks of contracting the virus and less access to emergency medical attention—are more likely to face the brunt of imbalanced vaccine distribution. Maritta Dunn, a member of Community Board 9, an advisory board that represents Morningside Heights and surrounding areas, saw this firsthand during the swine flu pandemic. Finances played a major role in determining who had access to the vaccination.

“Money talks. [Those] who had the most money received the most attention,” Dunn said. “So, even if you were a middle-income family, you still would not have been in an area to compete with Columbia or Barnard. You just couldn’t.”

The price of immunity

While Pfizer has stated that the price of its COVID-19 vaccine will likely be around $40, the price, insurance coverage, and overall financial accessibility of the vaccine is still not fully known. According to Shawn Brown, the director of the Pittsburgh Supercomputing Center, who co-authored a paper explaining the consequences of inequitable vaccine distribution, “Rich people get vaccines first because they’re the ones that are giving [pharmaceutical companies] the money. And they’re willing to pay for it.”

“In a shortage, that could be a problem because … [lower-income areas are] more connected [so] disease spreads faster through there,” he said.

During the swine flu pandemic, each state distributed a limited supply of vaccines to initial target groups on a per capita basis. About 159 million of the most vulnerable to the virus and essential workers were prioritized.

However, due to inadequate infrastructure, geographical or socioeconomic barriers, and cultural differences, racial and ethnic minorities—as well as uninsured and low-income residents—were vaccinated comparatively less than other groups nationwide.

For instance, south Los Angeles County, with a median income similar to that of West Harlem, received one dose for every five people, while west Los Angeles County, with a median income similar to that of Morningside Heights, received one dose for every two people. In New York City, residents in high-poverty areas fared worse during the H1N1 pandemic than those living outside them. They comprised approximately half of the hospitalized H1N1 patients in the city.

Projected H1N1 vaccination allocations based on median income level

Based on the statistical similarities between the median incomes of the Los Angeles counties

cited to Morningside Heights and West Harlem. Proportionality of vaccine distribution and

population size is assumed.

In Morningside Heights,

with a median income of

$81,890,

In West Harlem,

with a median income of

$42,563,

one dose per five residents

one dose per two residents

Source: city-data.com

Projected H1N1 vaccination allocations

based on median income level

In West Harlem,

with a median income of

$42,563,

In Morningside Heights,

with a median income of

$81,890,

one dose per two residents

one dose per five residents

Source: city-data.com

Based on the statistical similarities between the median incomes of the Los Angeles counties

cited to Morningside Heights and West Harlem. Proportionality of vaccine distribution and

population size is assumed.

Projected H1N1 vaccination

allocations based on median

income level

In Morningside Heights,

with a median income of

$81,890,

one dose per two residents

In West Harlem,

with a median income of

$42,563,

one dose per five residents

Source: city-data.com

Based on the statistical similarities between the

median incomes of the Los Angeles counties cited

to Morningside Heights and West Harlem.

Proportionality of vaccine distribution and

population size is assumed.

Experts say that to quickly and effectively reach coronavirus immunity for a large portion of the United States, at least 7,300 community clinics should be established nationwide to vaccinate 70 percent of the population. If the United States and New York, in particular, do not open more clinics in underserved communities, low-income residents like those of West Harlem may have fewer opportunities to be vaccinated.

Even if low-income people are able to afford the vaccine, they are still at a disadvantage when it comes to getting vaccinated. The number of uninsured residents in West Harlem is more than double that of Morningside Heights.

represents

323

r

e

sidents

Health insurance coverage of

CD9 residents

Uninsured

residents

Insured

residents

West

Harlem

8.7%

114,682

Morningside

Heights

2.6%

represents

133

r

e

sidents

Health insurance coverage of

Morningside Heights residents

Uninsured

residents

Insured

residents

6.3%

49,829

3,372 residents

represents

190

r

e

sidents

Health insurance coverage of

West Harlem residents

Uninsured

residents

residents

Insured

14.8%

64,853

11,262 residents

Sou

r

ce: American Community Survey

represents

323

r

e

sidents

Health insurance coverage of

CD9 residents

Morningside

Heights

2.6%

West

Uninsured

Harlem

residents

8.7%

Insured

residents

114,682

Morningside

West Harlem

Heights

3,372 residents

11,262 residents

Insured residents

49,829

64,853

14.8%

6.3%

3,372 residents

11,262 residents

Uninsured

residents

Sou

r

ce: American Community Survey

Despite there being 13 existing vaccination locations across Community District 9, only one—in the wealthier Morningside Heights—accepts patients without insurance.

represents one

health clinic servicing

flu vaccinations

Vaccination locations by

neighborhood populations

0 residents

140,000

20,000

40,000

60,000

120,000

80,000

100,000

Morningside

Heights

West Harlem

1 clinic per 10,619 residents

1 clinic per 9,547 residents

8 locations

Population: 76,373

5 locations

Population: 53,094

Although West Harlem has

more uninsured residents

than Morningside Heights,

there are no vaccination

locations that accept

uninsured patients.

San Juan Pharmacy

of Morningside

Heights, is the only

location within CD9

that accepts

uninsured patients.

Barnard College

Primary Care

Columbia University

Medical Services

Source: NYC Open Data, NYC Health Map, NYC Population FactFinder

Due to inconsistencies in city databases, only data points from all sources with locations < 1.0 mi from Neighborhood Tabulation Area (NTA) boundaries are included.

Vaccination locations by

neighborhood populations

0 residents

represents one health clinic

servicing flu vaccinations

20,000

West Harlem

8 locations

Population: 76,373

1 clinic per 9,547 residents

40,000

60,000

80,000

100,000

Although West Harlem has

more uninsured residents

than Morningside Heights,

there are no vaccination

locations that accept

uninsured patients.

120,000

Barnard College

Primary Care

140,000

Columbia University

Medical Services

San Juan Pharmacy of Morningside Heights,

is the only location within CD9 that accepts

uninsured patients.

Morningside Heights

5 locations

Population: 53,094

1 clinic per 10,619 residents

Sources: NYC Open Data, NYC Health Map,

NYC Population FactFinder

 

Note: Due to inconsistencies in city databases, only data points from all

sources with locations < 1.0 mi from Neighborhood Tabulation Area (NTA)

boundaries are included.

Vaccination locations by

neighborhood populations

Note: Due to inconsistencies in city databases, only

data points from all sources with locations < 1.0 mi

from Neighborhood Tabulation Area (NTA)

boundaries are included.

0 residents

represents one health clinic

servicing flu vaccinations

20,000

West Harlem

8 locations

Population: 76,373

1 clinic per 9,547 residents

40,000

60,000

Although West Harlem has

more uninsured residents

there are no vaccination

locations that accept

uninsured patients.

80,000

100,000

120,000

140,000

Barnard College

Primary Care

Columbia University

Medical Services

Morningside Heights

5 locations

Population: 53,094

1 clinic per 10,619 residents

San Juan Pharmacy of

Morningside Heights, is the only

location within CD9 that accepts

uninsured patients.

Sources: NYC Open Data,

NYC Health Map,

NYC Population FactFinder

 

Within New York, one quarter of Hispanic people are uninsured; the majority of CD9 residents are Hispanic, according to census data. Moreover, a fifth of New York residents fall below the government poverty threshold, and an average 21.5 percent of New Yorkers who fall below 200 percent of the federal poverty level are uninsured.

represents 325 residents

Manhattan Community District 9 racial breakdowns

White

West Harlem

residents

Morningside

Heights

residents

37,094 total residents

Hispanic

Black

Others

Asian

10,570

4,344

27,924

49,687

represents 300 residents

Manhattan Community District 9

residents under poverty threshold

Residents below

poverty threshold

Residents above

poverty threshold

17.5%

98,584

20,936 total residents

Within CD9, 17.5 percent of

residents that fall below

the poverty threshold are

from West Harlem.

Sou

r

ce: American Community Survey

represents 325 residents

Manhattan Community

District 9 racial breakdowns

White

West Harlem

residents

37,094 total residents

Morningside

Heights

residents

Asian

Others

Black

4,344

10,570

27,924

Hispanic

49,687

represents 300 residents

Manhattan Community District 9

residents under poverty threshold

98,584 total residents

Residents above

poverty threshold

Within CD9,

20,936

West Harlem

residents fall

below the poverty

threshold.

17.5%

Sou

r

ce: American Community Survey

Access to health care facilities also contributes to the accessibility of vaccines. Some insurance policies restrict where holders can receive preventative care, which could further exacerbate inaccessibility to health care facilities.

According to Chowkwanyun, it is likely that the COVID-19 vaccine will be covered by Medicaid, a federal and state health program that allows low-income residents to afford vaccines and other health services. But facilities that serve Medicaid recipients are often under-resourced and overcrowded.

“The problem is that if you have Medicaid, you’re often going to facilities where you might have to wait for a very long time because the facilities that tend to accept Medicaid tend to have really long queues, be under-resourced, and understaffed,” he explained. “So you might be eligible for the vaccine on paper, but it might actually take you a lot longer to get to it compared to someone with a fancy health insurance plan that allows them to go to a private practice where they can get it immediately,” he added.

[Related: Segregation exposes Black residents to health risks. Hospitals are disincentivized from treating them.]

What does all of this mean for COVID-19?

In response to the COVID-19 pandemic, the federal government established Operation Warp Speed with the a mission to deliver 300 million efficient COVID-19 vaccines to the United States by January 2021.

According to Chowkwanyun, there are many debates centering around who should get the vaccine first. Several groups considered for priority among others include older people, essential workers, and people in demographic groups that have higher rates of contracting the virus, such as Black and Hispanic people. However, the plan does not explicitly state whether or not low-income communities would be prioritized.

Brown noted that the projected use of pandemic flu planning procedures to distribute the vaccines will likely mimic the swine flu pandemic. “My guess is that [the federal government] is planning on giving the [vaccine] to the states, and the states are then left in charge of distributing them [to the people],” he said.

Priority of H1N1 vaccine distribution

Ages 25-64

Priority 2

Priority 3

Priority 1

Ages 65+

- Ages 6 months to 24 years

- Healthcare and emergency medical personnel

- Those in close contact with infants

- Pregnant women

- Ages 25-64 with health conditions

- Those caring for groups above

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Priority of H1N1 vaccine distribution

Ages 25-64

Priority 3

Priority 2

Priority 1

Ages 65+

- Ages 6 months to 24 years

- Healthcare and emergency

 

- Those in close contact with infants

- Pregnant women

- Ages 25-64 with health conditions

- Those caring for groups above

medical personnel

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

Priority of H1N1 vaccine distribution

- Ages 6 months

 

- Healthcare and

 

 

 

 

 

 

to 24 years

emergency

medical personnel

Those in close

contact with infants

- Pregnant women

Priority 1

- Ages 25-64 with

health conditions

- Those caring for

Ages 25-64

groups above

Priority 2

Ages 65+

Priority 3

Source: Centers for Disease Control and Prevention

During the swine flu pandemic, Brown worked on an intensive model designed to observe the outcomes of different scenarios of the vaccine distribution in a shortage. His research concluded that it was critical for low-income communities to be considered priorities in vaccination.

When only the wealthiest counties received vaccinations, the total rate of infection was higher throughout the pandemic, with a larger quantity infected during the H1N1 virus’s peak.

Although this was a simulated model, it spelled out a quintessential message for public health experts: Delaying low-income communities’ access to vaccinations can prolong a pandemic, increasing rates of infection and, potentially, the number of deaths.

“If you want to stop the spread of the disease, the best thing for everybody is to stop it in the most vulnerable populations as quickly as possible,” Brown added.

Graphics fellows Elizabeth Commisso and Chloe Kok can be contacted at editor@columbiaspectator.com. Follow Spectator on Twitter @ColumbiaSpec.

Graphics editor Raeedah Wahid can be contacted at raeedah.wahid@columbiaspectator.com. Follow her on Twitter @raeedahwahid.

To learn more about the Spectator Summer Fellowship program, click here.

Public health experts raised concerns over U.S. schools’ slow reactions to the COVID-19 pandemic, citing a lack of national and international coordination, widespread lack of preparation for the evolving virus by U.S. institutions, and miscommunication between the government and universities.

Trends from Ivy League schools revealed no uniform response, which public health experts said mirrored that of universities across the nation as there is a lack of uniform national direction. In light of the pandemic, the Ivy League helped to shape conversations among higher education institutions and their response rates highlighted the national trend. According to the Chronicle, on average, U.S. universities closed on March 12, four days after the Ivy League school average.

Most Ivy League universities reported a positive case from a college affiliate around the second week of March, and thus reacted at a similar rate. Many Ivy League schools seemed to follow suit after Columbia’s initial response.

Suspected

case at

Columbia

Suspected

cases at

Princeton

Potential

exposure

at UPenn

Confirmed

case at

Dartmouth

Confirmed

cases

at Cornell

Suspected

cases at

Brown

Suspected

cases at

Harvard

Confirmed

case at Yale

March 8

20

12

16

Harvard, Yale,

and Cornell

announces

online classes

and student

move-out.

Dartmouth

and Brown announces online classes and student move-out.

Columbia

announces

online

classes.

Columbia

announces

student

move-out.

UPenn announces virtual classes and student move-out. Princeton announces student move-out.

Princeton

announces

online classes.

March 8

Columbia

announces

online classes.

Suspected

case at

Columbia

Princeton

announces

online classes.

Suspected

cases at

Brown

Harvard, Yale,

and Cornell

announces online

classes and

student move-out.

Suspected

cases at

Princeton

Suspected

cases at

Harvard

UPenn announces

virtual classes and student move-out.

Princeton announces

student move-out.

12

Dartmouth and Brown announces online classes and student move-out.

Potential

exposure

at UPenn

Confirmed

case at Yale

Columbia

announces

student

move-out.

Confirmed

case at

Dartmouth

16

Confirmed

cases

at Cornell

20

According to public health experts, U.S. school administrators were prompted to take action by suspected or confirmed cases within their respective communities rather than taking precautionary measures. Consequently, their actions lagged behind those taken by their counterparts in other countries that saw the impact of COVID-19 prior to the United States.

Across the Ivies, Spectator found that universities also responded to the first case in their state at differing rates, which experts said resulted from a lack of federal guidance on handling the virus. Meanwhile, China’s government ordered a complete shutdown of universities and schools, while South Korea’s government advised universities to postpone the start of the academic year at the beginning of February, weeks before K-12 schools were forced to postpone start dates.

Bernadette Boden-Albala, the dean of Public Health at the University of California, Irvine, attributed the U.S. and many U.S. universities’ delayed responses to misinformation and the evolving understanding health experts had on the virus.

“Early countrywide public health decisions were delayed, and there are consequences to those early delays,” Boden-Albala said.

The delay in U.S. response may also be the result of a lack of international communication and coordination, said School of International and Public Affairs professor Robert Jervis.

“There’s been no attempt from us to lead international coordination [in] any way,” Jervis said, citing the country’s decision to cancel flights from Europe without consulting the countries impacted by the travel ban before the announcement.

While other countries such as South Korea took after China as a model of combatting the virus through prevention, the United States mostly waited for the virus to escalate before taking reactionary measures due to the general misunderstanding of the scope of the virus, Boden-Albaba said. She noted that much of the U.S. public had seen China’s tactics as extreme.

“We were all surprised when China decided to lock down an entire province, it seemed almost inconceivable,” Jervis added.

New York, in particular, did not see a stay-at-home order until March 22, and Mayor Bill de Blasio did not order the city’s schools to close until March 23. Without clear instruction from the state or city, the University responded earlier on March 15 to move its students off-campus in accordance with separate public health expertise rather than government directives. According to the New York Times, in comparison to other states, New York faced delays due to confusing guidance and political infighting.

Boden-Albala said many U.S. universities failed to take proactive measures to better inform students, including campaigns on how to prepare for the virus through handwashing and transmission prevention.

“Universities should have taken action earlier to make sure students were more informed to decrease viral spread, focusing on influenza if nothing else because the same practices ... would stop transmission of [the] coronavirus,” she said.

While universities waited for public health officials to contact them to shut down, administrators took additional measures to ensure that students suspected to have been exposed to the virus self-quarantined and that events were canceled.

Columbia requested that students not gather in groups of 25 or more on March 5, but classes were still not canceled, leaving faculty members unsure of how to proceed.

For Columbia students, the messaging from administrators and the national statistics regarding the virus’s infection rate for young populations left students misinformed about preventative measures and the risks of the virus. Students associated self-quarantine and protective masks with racial bias rather than viewing them as necessary steps to lower the infection rate of the virus.

By the time the virus escalated, students at schools like the University of Pennsylvania still received inconsistent messaging, leading many to disregard recommended practices and proceed to travel to spring break destinations, which added to the COVID-19 transmission and death toll.

10,000

total cases

2,500

5,000

7,500

First case in Pennsylvania

March 1

5

On March 11, UPenn students were told they

must move out of housing by March 15.

SPRING BREAK

10

On March 12, administrators extended the move-out

deadline to March 17, sending mixed messaging to

students over the severity of the virus.

15

On March 16, in-person commencement was

moved online, but it was postponed the following day.

20

Spring

break

extended

25

30

4,997 cases

10,000

total cases

2,500

5,000

7,500

March

1

First case in Pennsylvania

5

On March 11, UPenn students were

told they must move out of housing

by March 15.

SPRING BREAK

10

On March 12, administrators

extended the move-out deadline

to March 17, sending mixed

messaging to students over the

severity of the virus.

15

On March 16, in-person

commencement was moved

online, but it was postponed

the following day.

20

Spring

break

extended

25

30

4,997 cases

Similar actions were taken at Columbia, Yale, Princeton University, and Dartmouth College. These universities originally only announced remote classes for a few weeks and later extended them to the entire semester in order to respond to the rapidly changing nature of the virus, as recommended by government officials. At the time of the initial announcement, students may not have understood the severity of the situation, but they understood days later when they were forced to evacuate. Meanwhile, according to experts, international data had already shown the significance of the virus’s infection rate.

Harvard and Cornell were the first Ivy League schools to announce a move to online instruction for the rest of the semester on March 10. Yale announced mandatory move-out on the same day.

10,000

7,500

total cases

2,500

5,000

First case in Massachusetts

March 1

5

March 10

Harvard announces virtual classes beginning March 23 through the rest of the semester. Undergraduates must move out of housing by March 15.

10

March 11

Two members of the Harvard

community are being tested for the virus.

March 13

The first case of COVID-19 in the Harvard community is reported.

15

SPRING BREAK

March 20

In-person commencement ceremonies are postponed.

20

March 24

University President Larry Bacow and his wife test positive for COVID-19.

25

March 31

As of this date, a total of 51

Harvard community members had tested positive for COVID-19.

30

6,620 cases

10,000

total cases

2,500

5,000

7,500

March

First case in Massachusetts

1

March 10

Harvard announces virtual classes

beginning March 23 through the rest

of the semester. Undergraduates must

move out of housing by March 15.

5

March 11

Two members of the Harvard

community are being tested

for the virus.

10

March 13

The first case of COVID-19 in

the Harvard community is reported.

15

SPRING BREAK

March 20

20

In-person commencement ceremonies are postponed.

March 24

University President Larry Bacow and his wife test positive for COVID-19.

25

March 31

As of this date, a total of 51

Harvard community members had tested positive for COVID-19.

30

6,620 cases

Cornell was the last Ivy to see positive cases within its community. It also set the latest mandatory move-out with a deadline of March 28.

80,000

total cases

20,000

40,000

60,000

March 1

First case in New York

5

March 10

 

Cornell annouces virtual classes beginning April 6 through the rest of the semester. Undergraduates must move out of housing by March 28.

10

March 13

Class are suspended for the next two weeks leading up to spring break.

15

March 19

The semester is extended by one week.

20

In-person commencement

ceremonies are postponed.

March 20

The first two cases of COVID-19 in the Cornell community are reported.

25

Classes

suspended

March 31

 

As of this date, a total of 11 Cornell community

members had tested positive for COVID-19.

30

75,832 cases

Spring break

80,000

total cases

20,000

40,000

60,000

March

1

First case in New York

5

March 10

 

Cornell annouces virtual classes beginning April 6 through the rest of

the semester. Undergraduates must move out of housing by March 28.

10

March 13

Class are suspended for the next two weeks leading up to spring break.

15

March 19

The semester is extended by one week.

20

March 20

In-person

commencement

ceremonies

are postponed.

The first two cases of COVID-19 in the Cornell community are reported.

25

Classes

suspended

March 31

 

A total of 11 Cornell community

members had tested positive

for COVID-19.

30

75,832 cases

Spring break

Dustin Duncan, a social and spatial epidemiologist at the Columbia Mailman School of Public Health, said he believes the University responded to the crisis in a clear and timely manner given the recommendations from public health officials and epidemiologists.

“I think that it is and remains to be a rapidly changing landscape of what to do,” Duncan said. “And then comparing COVID to other [societies] ... I think that the issue of the emerging effects of this disease is we’re learning about the disease as it’s happening.”

However, Arthur Reingold, an epidemiology professor at the University of California, Berkeley, noted that the messaging received from federal versus state agencies resulted in inconsistent conclusions.

“Different levels of government provid[ed] different messages. The federal government, the White House, providing one message, federal health authorities and state health authorities a different message,” Reingold said. “I think that’s probably the biggest problem is that the messaging is not being consistent and many people are uncertain or confused about exactly what the right response is.”

Bolden-Albala noted that Columbia, as well as the University of Washington and the University of California, Irvine, ultimately responded in a timely manner in accordance with federal mandates, citing the presence of well-established public health schools, which led to conversations between high-level administrators and experts on how to prepare and address the crisis.

Still, she said she found the federal response rate and conflicting information alarming, citing those among the reasons for the rapid spread across the United States.

“We need to all work together now to keep some semblance of calm as we deal with the current grim reality,” Bolden-Albala said.

Kelly Pu is a Graphics deputy editor at Spectator. She can be contacted at kelly.pu@columbiaspectator.com.

Jun Yi Zhang is a Graphics reporter at Spectator. She can be contacted at junyi.zhang@columbiaspectator.com.

Stephanie Lai is a News editor at Spectator. She can be contacted at stephanie.lai@columbiaspectator.com. Follow her on Twitter @stephaniealai.

Raeedah Wahid is the Graphics editor at Spectator. She can be contacted at raeedah.wahid@columbiaspectator.com. Follow her on Twitter @raeedahwahid.

As the 2020 Democratic presidential primaries approach, Columbia affiliates—including students, professors, staff, and administrators—have demonstrated their support for candidates through campaign donations. Cory Booker (D-NJ) leads the way as the candidate with the most money raised through University-affiliated donations, according to data released by the Federal Election Commission.

But while Booker may have raised the highest total amount of money in campaign donations from Columbia affiliates, he isn’t the candidate who received the highest number of donations. Rather, Bernie Sanders (D-VT) saw the most individual donations, with 275 Columbia affiliates donating overall. Elizabeth Warren (D-MA) follows closely after Sanders, with 179 affiliate donations, and Booker comes in third with 43.

Democrat

Total of 712 contributions to Democratic

candidates from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent number

of contributions

15

91

46

43

275

173

Harris

Biden

Trump

Buttigieg

Warren

Booker

Sanders

Republican

The only Republican Columbia affiliates have contributed to is Trump.

15

Buttigieg

Harris

Biden

Warren

Trump

Booker

Sanders

Democrat

Total of 712 contributions to Democratic

candidates from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent number

of contributions

15

91

46

173

43

275

Warren

Biden

Trump

Booker

Sanders

Buttigieg

Harris

Republican

The only Republican Columbia affiliates have contributed to is Trump.

15

Trump

Democrat

Total of 712 contributions to Democratic

candidates from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent

number of contributions

15

91

46

173

43

275

Buttigieg

Biden

Harris

Warren

Booker

Sanders

Republican

The only Republican Columbia affiliates

have contributed to is Trump.

15

Trump

According to FEC data as of Sept. 30, 2019, Columbia affiliates have raised a total of $20,879.91 for Booker—the second-highest amount raised by a university for his campaign, tailing right behind Stanford University, which raised $37,981.67. Booker, a New Jersey native, has based his campaign on key issues such as fighting for economic and racial equality and advocating for marijuana legalization and criminal justice reform, among others.

Top 10 university contributors to Booker, Sanders, Warren campaigns

Cory Booker

University of Washington

University of Kansas

Stanford University

Rutgers University

NYU School of Medicine

New York University

MIT

Eastwick College

Columbia University

Berkeley College

$40,000

$30,000

$20,000

$10,000

0

Bernie Sanders

University of Washington

University of Michigan

University of Illinois

University of Chicago

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

Stanford University

Harvard University

Columbia University

$40,000

$30,000

$20,000

$10,000

0

Elizabeth Warren

Yale University

University of Washington

University of Pennsylvania

University of Michigan

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

MIT

Harvard University

Harvard Law School

$40,000

$30,000

$20,000

$10,000

0

Top 10 university contributors to

Booker, Sanders, Warren campaigns

Cory Booker

University of Washington

University of Kansas

Stanford University

Rutgers University

NYU School of Medicine

New York University

MIT

Eastwick College

Columbia University

Berkeley College

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

Bernie Sanders

University of Washington

University of Michigan

University of Illinois

University of Chicago

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

Stanford University

Harvard University

Columbia University

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

Elizabeth Warren

Yale University

University of Washington

University of Pennsylvania

University of Michigan

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

MIT

Harvard University

Harvard Law School

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

Top 10 university contributors

to Booker, Sanders,

Warren campaigns

Cory Booker

University of Washington

University of Kansas

Stanford University

Rutgers University

NYU School of Medicine

New York University

MIT

Eastwick College

Columbia University

Berkeley College

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

Bernie Sanders

University of Washington

University of Michigan

University of Illinois

University of Chicago

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

Stanford University

Harvard University

Columbia University

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

Elizabeth Warren

Yale University

University of Washington

University of Pennsylvania

University of Michigan

University of California

UCLA

UC Berkeley

MIT

Harvard University

Harvard Law School

0

$10,000

$20,000

$30,000

$40,000

But as a candidate who isn’t a Columbia alumnus and doesn’t have any direct ties to the University, it may come as a surprise for many that Booker is a frontrunner in money raised through campaign donations.

According to political science professor Donald P. Green, whose research focuses on voting behavior, partisanship, and campaign finance, a potential answer for Booker’s popularity among the Columbia community may arise from his relative proximity to the University and his ideological outlook.

“He’s from New Jersey and many of our faculty and students in the community live in New Jersey and commute to campus. He’s also a fairly congenial person in terms of his outlook to Columbia faculty and staff,” Green said.

He went on to note the discrepancy between Booker’s lead as the candidate with the highest amount of affiliate-raised campaign donations and his total number of donations.

“[Booker’s] donors are obviously digging more deeply into their pockets to make donations, which is why the absolute dollar figures are a little bit misleading,” Green said.

Of the 43 Columbia affiliates who donated to Booker, the most common type of affiliation was professor, senior researcher, and alumni. On the other hand, Sanders, who had nearly six times the number of donors than Booker did, largely received donations from Columbia affiliates who were teachers, academics, and reading specialists. Sanders has raised a total of $15,935.10 from Columbia affiliates as of Sept. 30, 2019.

Columbia affiliate donations to candidates by contributor type

Postgraduate

Law/Politics

Faculty

Academia

Student

Medicine/Science

Finance/Economics/Corporate

Admin

Teaching positions

Other

Graduate students

Education

100

200 donations

Warren for President, Inc.

Pete for America, Inc.

Marianne Williamson for President

Kamala Harris for the People

Julian for the Future

Inslee for America

Gillibrand 2020

Friends of John Delaney

Friends of Andrew Yang

Donald J. Trump for President, Inc.

De Blasio 2020

Cory 2020

Bullock for President

Biden for President

Beto for America

Bernie 2020

Bennet for America

Amy for America

Other includes donor titles film projectionist, fundraiser, journalist, librarian, programmer,

psychiatrist, public health, reading specialist, tech manager, writer.

Columbia affiliate donations to candidates by contributor type

Finance/Economics/Corporate

Postgraduate

Academia

Student

Admin

Law/Politics

Graduate students

Education

Medicine/Science

Teaching positions

Faculty

Other

100

200 donations

Warren for

President, Inc.

Pete for America, Inc.

Marianne Williamson

for President

Kamala Harris

for the People

Julian for the Future

Inslee for America

Gillibrand 2020

Friends of John Delaney

Friends of Andrew Yang

Donald J. Trump for

President, Inc.

De Blasio 2020

Cory 2020

Bullock for President

Biden for President

Beto for America

Bernie 2020

Bennet for America

Amy for America

Other includes donor titles film projectionist, fundraiser, journalist, librarian, programmer,

psychiatrist, public health, reading specialist, tech manager, writer.

Columbia affiliate donations to

candidates by contributor type

Academia

Faculty

Graduate students

Admin

Postgraduate

Education

Student

Law/Politics

Other

Teaching positions

Medicine/

Science

Finance/Economics/

Corporate

200 donations

Warren for

President, Inc.

Pete for America, Inc.

Marianne Williamson

for President

Kamala Harris

for the People

Julian for the Future

Inslee for America

Gillibrand 2020

Friends of

John Delaney

Friends of

Andrew Yang

Donald J. Trump for

President, Inc.

De Blasio 2020

Cory 2020

Bullock for President

Biden for President

Beto for America

Bernie 2020

Bennet for America

Amy for America

Other includes donor titles film projectionist,

fundraiser, journalist, librarian, programmer,

psychiatrist, public health, reading specialist,

tech manager, writer.

Emmaline Bennett, CC ’20, an organizing committee member of the Columbia-Barnard Young Democratic Socialists for America, isn’t surprised that Sanders received the most number of donations.

“One of the big things about Sanders’ campaign has been appealing to individual donors who are just ordinary working-class people, who might not be able to write a $100 check, or max out their individual donations,” said Bennett. “But they can give $20 or $5—like I’ve given a bunch of small donations to the Sanders campaign because that’s how much I’ve been able to give.”

Democrat

Total contribution of $105,225 to Democratic

candidates from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent

amounts contributed

$12,232

$9,091

$14,615

$20,879

$15,935

$9,585

Buttigieg

Harris

Biden

Warren

Trump

Booker

Sanders

Republican

$6,549

Biden

Trump

Buttigieg

Harris

Warren

Booker

Sanders

Democrat

Total contribution of $105,225 to Democratic

candidates from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent

amounts contributed

$12,232

$9,091

$14,615

$20,879

$15,935

$9,585

Warren

Biden

Trump

Booker

Sanders

Buttigieg

Harris

Republican

$6,549

Warren

Biden

Trump

Booker

Sanders

Buttigieg

Harris

Democrat

Total contribution of $105,225

to Democratic candidates

from Columbia affiliates.

Widths of lines represent

amounts contributed

$12,232

$9,091

$14,615

$20,879

$15,935

$9,585

Buttigieg

Biden

Booker

Harris

Warren

Trump

Sanders

Republican

$6,549

Trump

Green also highlighted how Sanders is known as a “brand name associated with left-leaning politics,” an attribute which would make him an attractive candidate to Columbians.

Sanders’ campaign primarily focuses on progressive issues such as tuition-free college, Medicare for all, campaign finance reform, and a $15 minimum wage. But like Booker, Sanders doesn’t have any direct affiliations with Columbia—he graduated from the University of Chicago and served as a U.S. representative for 16 years before being elected to the U.S. Senate.

Columbia affiliate donations to all democratic candidates

First debate

June 26–27, 2019

Second debate

July 30–31, 2019

Third debate

September 12, 2019

15 donations

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Bernie Sanders

Joe Biden

15 donations

15 donations

10

10

5

5

0

0

Jun

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Cory Booker

Kamala Harris

15 donations

15 donations

10

10

5

5

0

0

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Pete Buttigieg

Elizabeth Warren

15 donations

15 donations

10

10

5

5

0

0

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Note: October marker represents the end of FEC-reported data (September 30).

Columbia affiliate donations to

all democratic candidates

First debate

June 26–27, 2019

Second debate

July 30–31, 2019

Third debate

September 12, 2019

15 donations

10

5

0

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Bernie Sanders

Joe Biden

15

15

10

10

5

5

0

0

Aug

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Sept

Oct

Jun

Jun

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Mar

Apr

Oct

Cory Booker

Kamala Harris

15

15

10

10

5

5

0

0

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Elizabeth Warren

Pete Butteggieg

15

15

10

10

5

5

0

0

Jun

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Oct

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Jun

Note: October marker represents the end of FEC-reported data (September 30).

Columbia affiliate donations to

all democratic candidates

Third debate

First debate

Second debate

15 donations

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Bernie Sanders

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Joe Biden

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Cory Booker

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Kamala Harris

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Pete Butteggieg

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jun

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Elizabeth Warren

15

10

5

0

Mar

Apr

May

Jul

Aug

Sept

Oct

Jun

Note: October marker represents the end

of FEC-reported data (September 30).

Though Booker and Sanders currently hold forefront positions in the eyes of Columbia affiliates, Green notes that donation patterns and results are subject to change in the near future.

“I would say that the thing to be on the watch for is what happens after Iowa and New Hampshire. Some of these candidates will get a bounce, and some will be booted out of contention. And the question is what happens to fundraising patterns after that,” said Green.

Staff writer Vidhima Shetty can be contacted at vidhima.shetty@columbiaspectator.com.

Staff graphics reporter Charlotte Li can be contacted at charlotte.li@columbiaspectator.com .

Graphics deputy editor Raeedah Wahid can be contacted at raeedah.wahid@columbiaspectator.com. Follow Spectator on Twitter @ColumbiaSpec.